Commenting on the announcement, Jean, a staunch advocate of an EU-wide FTT, said: “This breakthrough on the Financial Transaction Tax (FTT) is a landmark moment both for the EU, which could become the first place in the world to have a transaction tax crossing national borders, but also as part of the movement for a global FTT.  Ideally, the FTT should apply in the EU as a whole but the task at hand is now to move forward with this coalition of the willing and hopefully convince other Member States to join at a later date.

“The Greens have long advocated an FTT both to help curb risky financial speculation and generate much needed revenue from an under-taxed financial sector for pressured exchequers. I hope that the Commission will take on board some of the recommendations from the European Parliament including the proposal for an ‘issuance principle’ whereby financial institutions located outside the EU would also be obliged to pay the FTT if they traded securities originally issued within the EU”.

Notes to Editor

1. The European Commission has today announced that a group of 11 EU Member States has committed to support the introduction of a Financial Transaction Tax.  The support of 11 Member States means this group can now proceed with the proposals through an enhanced cooperation procedure, by which a smaller group of Member States can implement a common policy.  For further information, visit: http://europa.eu/rapid/pressReleasesAction.do?reference=MEMO/12/762&format=HTML&aged=0&language=EN&guiLanguage=en

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We have heard in Emilie Turunen’s excellent speech this afternoon that social Europe is not yet dead; there is vision.  But we should also be aware that there are some very nasty things going on in parts of our societies which, if not challenged, could see a wider, negative shift.

Inequality is goring in this crisis; it was already an issue in the boom years.  We risk what was described in a recent conference on quality work, as a “collapsing bottom and floating top” – a hollowed-out labour market of well-paid, highly skilled “floaters” and a low-skilled, poorly-paid bottom – scrabbling for whatever they can get. Not a recipe for social cohesion.

The same conference also raised the growing issue of “social jealousy” – particularly between the public and private sector.  A resentment of those seen to have a steady job and the prospect of a pension: a feeling of “Why should you have something I don’t have”? – a levelling-down, not a levelling-up.  No fight. Not even an argument as to how to ensure that all have better working conditions and decent pensions.  This is a significant win for those political forces arguing for greater privatisation and a smaller state per se: it’s not a search for greater quality and better performance, although it may be cloaked in those words.  This resentment makes it easier to cut back on the public sector, yet we know that strong public services are crucial for social inclusion and social progress and in many countries it is the public sector that has been at the forefront of genuinely flexible working practices (benefitting workers) and anti-discriminatory recruitment practices.

We are also seeing a return to 19th century (or even earlier) concepts of the “deserving and undeserving” poor.  I often feel I could scream when UK politicians speak of “hard working families” as those in need of support and thus excluding others – as if hard-working single people don’t exist, for example, of those who are looking for work and can’t find it don’t count.

We have a language developing that blames people on benefits for creating the crisis or preventing a solution.  The re-examination of the claims of those on disability benefit is an example.  In the UK, we have seen a rise in hate crimes and hate speech against people with disabilities; others report being accosted by people demanding “Why aren’t you at work? Why are you taking my money?” etc. Treated as if they are lazy or fraudsters.  We have a hardening of language and attitudes towards workers from other countries seen as “stealing” jobs, rather than contributing to our societies and economies.

We see the facile maths of 100 job vacancies and 100 unemployed – where’s the problem? As if there is automatically an easy fit: low-skilled workers can become professional engineers with the wave of a magic wand! Moving to where there is work is pushed as a solution.  Greens are all in favour of labour mobility, when it makes sense.  However, you have to recognise that many people – especially in difficult times – are not willing to leave their family and social network and move themselves and their families (assuming they can find affordable housing elsewhere) for a temporary, minimum wage job.

At least most EU countries have a minimum wage – whether set by law or social-partner agreement. Greens believe a living wage would be even better. We can try to solve in-work poverty (affecting at least 1 out of every 8 workers) by state subsidies to employees or we can expect employers to pay a wage people can live on.

We are seeing attacks on security in the workplace.  One British MP from a governing party has said that we could easily lose 80% of health and safety legislation.  Now, the Working Time Directive is health and safety legislation – it’s revision currently under discussion between social partners.  It’s designed to limit working hours so that tired workers are not a risk to themselves or others.  We will probably return to the fight later in the Parliament.

In the name of flexibility, we are seeing more short-term contracts, part-time and casual work but social security systems are generally not able to respond to this flexibility.  This prevents people taking opportunities: if you take a few days of casual work but lose benefits and then it takes weeks before the system can kick in again, wouldn’t you be tempted to either put the money straight in your pocket and stay quiet, or turn down the offer of work? Flexicurity is increasing off the agenda as flexibility takes a stronger hold.

Many of us in the European Parliament increasingly feel we’re fighting for what should be obvious.  Greens have been working with the International Social Security Association and the ILO to promote the message in the EP that social security systems are important as they:

Provide a buffer
Are an economic stabiliser, which keeps the local economy moving
Have enabled countries to soften the impact of the crisis (although it may not feel like that)
Help to reduce inequalities

Greens are fighting for:

Social conditionality on the so-called bail outs
An adequate minimum income, with a statutory basis
A core wage, ideally a living wage

Some parts of the Commission are fully on board with this and need to be supported.  We are determined to ensure that all Member States remember they have a commitment to socially inclusive growth under the EU 2020 strategy and this must be reflected in National Reform Plans.

Social Europe still matters – we have to help build it.

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