{"id":1835,"date":"2012-11-18T09:28:53","date_gmt":"2012-11-18T09:28:53","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.jeanlambertmep.org.uk\/?p=1835"},"modified":"2014-04-29T13:15:37","modified_gmt":"2014-04-29T13:15:37","slug":"human-trafficking","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/jeanlambertmep.org.uk\/2012\/11\/18\/human-trafficking\/","title":{"rendered":"Tackling human trafficking"},"content":{"rendered":"

The speech below discusses some of the work done in the European Parliament concerning women, and focusses in particular on tackling the modern day slavery of human trafficking. Jean gave this speech to the Soroptomist International of Chelmsford on Nov 18, 2012.<\/p>\n

Thank you for the invitation to speak today.<\/p>\n

I shall not attempt to explain the various workings of the European Parliament, such as why we have to be in both Brussels and Strasbourg, as I’m sure you want to get home today and not next week. I shall, however, say something of the work we do in the EP concerning women: much of this finds broad agreement across the House. Of the over 700 Members of the European Parliament, 34.8% are women, slightly more than in the House of Commons where women are not yet 25%. Of the Commission (the “unelected Bureaucrats” so beloved by the British media) nine of the twenty-seven are women. This has increased in recent years: not least because many of us in the Parliament made the point that, as the Treaties governing the EU contain a commitment to gender mainstreaming and equality between men and women, we should not be faced only by men.<\/p>\n

There is an argument that national governments could provide greater choice for the composition of the Commission if they put forward two candidates, one man and one women or even three possibilities. We await their response. You may also have heard of one of our less consensual debates in recent days about Women’s representation on the Boards of large companies through possible legislation to ensure a 40% representation. It has been fascinating as to just how many governments, companies and business associations have rushed to tell us of the good work they are doing and the progress being made when they were so silent before the proposal was made. We shall monitor progress and reconsider the need for legislation when all this activity has had a chance to prove itself.<\/p>\n

Like you, the European Parliament also celebrated the International Day of the Girl<\/a> this year. For us, this stemmed from our version of an Early Day Motion, a Written Declaration. This was tabled by five Members from different political groups and, working with Plan International<\/a> and UNICEF<\/a>, we managed to gain a majority of all Members which made support for the Day Parliamentary policy.<\/p>\n

It was given an added poignancy as it fell, of course, only shortly after the attempted assassination of Malala and her two friends.<\/p>\n

You may also be aware of discussions around the EU budget. There is a part of that budget which goes to the DAPHNE programme: this supports work against domestic violence. There are a number of UK organisations which have been involved in cross-border projects, not least tackling questions of so-called “honour violence” but also working more generally to make domestic violence unacceptable, as well as against the law.<\/p>\n

Along with other women Members, I have also worked on the distressing issue of human trafficking. When I joined the EP in 1999, one the Members of my political group had a background working on that issue and with sex workers in Antwerp. In fact, her work had been so thorough that at times she had received round-the-clock police protection for her role in exposing a drug and trafficking network and she knew the Metropolitan Police better than any elected London MEP through her work.<\/p>\n

At that time, both the Council of Europe and the EU began to develop policy on trafficking, based on the UN’s Palermo Protocol. The Metropolitan Police were concerned at what they were finding: having conducted raids on various sex-work premises in London, the women would be deported and the police would pick them up again only a few weeks later. Rather than treating them as victims and also potential witnesses who could help provide information to disrupt or arrest the traffickers, the women were deported under immigration rules.<\/p>\n

So, I worked with my colleague, Jenny Jones at the GLA to host a conference we called “Silent Slavery” in conjunction with NGOs working on the issue, the Metropolitan Police, Dutch police (who were taking a different approach) and the Home Office who were also looking to change their practice. I don’t know if I should mention it here, but the Women’s Institute<\/a> took up the issue of Human Trafficking as a priority campaign in 2004.<\/p>\n

“In view of the constantly increasing trafficking of human beings, particularly women and children, for sexual exploitation and forced labour, this meeting urges HM Government to put into place legislation to combat trafficking and support victims, and urges all WI members to raise public awareness of this issue.” (WI Resolution)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

So what does trafficking mean for the victim?<\/h4>\n

The following is taken from an account from an IIPR research study:<\/p>\n

“I wanted to do well in school, make my parents proud and get a good job,” she says. But her life was changed when, aged 12 her parents were killed. This tragic event heightened her vulnerability and a stranger claiming to be a relative took her into domestic servitude and trafficked her to London: “I was kept locked in the house for six years,”…. “I never left the house from 2003 until 2009. I had to look after their children all day and also at night. I had to prepare their food every two hours and make sure that their nappies were dry. I had to sleep on the floor in the children’s room. I hardly slept and was never given enough food.”<\/p>\n

So how is trafficking defined?<\/h4>\n

According to Article 3, paragraph (a) of the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons<\/a> (the Palermo Protocol), there are three components:<\/p>\n

    \n
  1. The Act (What is done). <\/span>Recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons<\/span><\/li>\n
  2. The Means (How it is done). Threat or use of force, coercion, abduction, fraud, deception, abuse of power or vulnerability, or giving payments or benefits to a person in control of the victim<\/span><\/li>\n
  3. The Purpose (Why it is done). For the purpose of exploitation, which includes exploiting the prostitution of others, sexual exploitation, forced labour, slavery or similar practices and the removal of organs.<\/span><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

    Article 5 of the Protocol requires that the conduct set out in article 3 be criminalized in domestic legislation.<\/p>\n

    Domestic legislation does not need to follow the language of the Trafficking in Persons Protocol precisely, but should be adapted in accordance with domestic legal systems to give effect to the concepts contained in the Protocol.<\/p>\n

    Legislation should be flexible enough to ensure it will recognize that trafficking:<\/p>\n